50 years of a divided Cyprus
On 15 July 1974, Cypriot officers, supported by the Greek military junta, staged a coup against the democratically elected government in Nicosia with the aim of making Cyprus part of Greece. Turkey then occupied the northern part of the island, invoking its right to intervene as the protecting power of the Turkish Cypriots. That the occupation of the north continues to this day, long after those who staged the coup were overthrown, is as much of a violation of international law as the coup itself.
Two-state solution the only option
The Turkish Cypriot Kıbrıs Postası website writes:
“Although a settlement has not yet been reached on the island due to the maximalist demands of the Greek Cypriots and their bid to suppress the Turkish Cypriot population in a federalist structure, we continue our existence as Turkish Cypriots. ... At this point it must be emphasised once again that a two-state structure would be the most appropriate solution to the Cyprus problem. Since no progress has been made in the last half century, the governments of Turkey and the [unrecognised] Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which were open to negotiations on a federal solution until 2017, have now opted for a two-state solution based on the real circumstances on the island.”
A pie in the sky
The Cyprus question is pretty much unsolvable, says Yetkin Report:
“The search for a solution for Cyprus is like chasing a fairy tale. On the one hand, the goal of a bizonal, bicommunal federation has remained an unattainable dream for years. Everyone knows that it is more a pie in the sky than a realistic goal. On the other hand, the two-state solution has been nothing more than a starting point from the outset and is roundly rejected by all sides. So what kind of solution can be found if both options are unrealistic?”
Time for hard and final decisions
The editor-in-chief of Kathimerini Alexis Papachelas writes:
“The danger today is to consolidate the division imposed by the Turkish invasion in 1974. The international community has many open fronts and is not concerned with Cyprus. ... A large part of the Cypriot people is tired and not interested in the issue. ... The time of hard and final decisions has probably arrived. Let's hope that Athens and Nicosia will keep a united front. All the signs indicate that this is the intention of Cyprus President Nikos Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis. After all, they have both read enough history to know how self-destructive an intra-Greek blame game can be.”
Protect democracy, liberate Cyprus
The fight against the occupation must not be abandoned, urges Phileleftheros:
“Every year on 15 July we can only feel sadness and outrage at the betrayal and destruction. ... We all have the duty not to accept the fait accompli and to overthrow the occupiers. The new generations, who are feeling the consequences of the betrayal, must work for the restoration of the country's unity, of the Republic of Cyprus. ... Maintaining the current state of affairs is not a solution. ... The message of these sad anniversaries is clear: never again allow fools to betray the country, never again let fascism win. Let us protect democracy, let us liberate our country, the Republic of Cyprus.”
Half a century of empty promises
The Cyprus Mail sums up bitterly:
“Hollow rhetoric has been the one political constant of these 50 years, marked by empty promises and the cultivation of false hopes, which vulnerable people, who had lost everything and were desperate for something to cling on to, believed. Successful political careers were built on this cynical exploitation of the desperation of refugees, who were promised they would all return to their homes by the demagogues, who ensured with their patriotic grandstanding that not a single one did.”
No effective victimisation policy
Nicosia has achieved little at the international level, Turkish Cypriot columnist Şener Levent explains in Politis:
“To date, the Greek Cypriot side has been constantly disappointed. It even failed to punish its own fascist putschists after 1974. What's more, it was not only helpless against its own coup plotters, but also against the occupier. ... Despite losing half of its homeland it was unable to develop an effective victimisation policy. It remained passive and weak on the international stage. It waited for people to understand its victimisation instead of explaining it. But time worked in the conqueror's favour.”