EU summit: crackdown on migration?
At their summit in Brussels, the EU member states have decided to "urgently" revise current legislation to speed up deportations of migrants whose asylum claims have been rejected. "New ways" to combat irregular migration are also to be considered. The setting up of asylum centres in third countries like those operated by Italy in Albania was also discussed. Europe's press takes stock.
Several taboos broken
The Neue Zürcher Zeitung welcomes the new momentum in European asylum policy:
“In terms of migration policy, the EU summit that ended on Friday was extraordinary. Over the past few days, the 27 heads of state and government have broken several taboos that until recently seemed to be all but sacrosanct. ... So there is a new dynamic in European migration policy. But will it really lead to the innovative solutions that were constantly invoked at the summit? The fact that individual states or groups of states are now experimenting with repatriation agreements and the outsourcing of procedures is to be welcomed.”
Just who is defining EU policy?
Večernji list is astonished:
“In addition to announcing a law to facilitate deportation, von der Leyen called on other leaders to think about setting up migrant centres outside the EU's borders - or 'hubs' for repatriation, as she called them (Brussels is always creative when it comes to nice names that disguise the real purpose). This shows that it is no mere coincidence that the Italian prime minister referred to the Italian centres in Albania as an example for the rest of the EU. But this poses the question of who is actually defining EU policy at this moment: Ursula von der Leyen or her political ally and friend Giorgia Meloni?”
Meloni showing the way
Italy's government is by no means alone in its stance, Phileleftheros comments with concern:
“Giorgia Meloni has developed from someone on the far right to a leader who is showing the way forward for Europe. Her idea of setting up concentration camps in Albania to hold those who cross Italy's land and maritime borders is envied by almost all of Europe. The Netherlands is negotiating with Uganda to do the same, Finland is building fences on its border with Russia, and Ursula von der Leyen is pointing to Italy as an example to be followed.”
Rome relying on vaguely worded regulations
On Friday an Italian court blocked the detention of the first migrants in the Shëngjin asylum centre in Albania. This won't stop Meloni, Corriere della Sera believes:
“The central issue here is which countries are 'safe third countries'. ... The European Court of Justice redefined the criteria [on 4 October 2024]. Egypt and Bangladesh, the countries of origin of the twelve people admitted to the Shëngjin centre, are not among them, a fact of which those responsible for the transfer to Albania were well aware. However, these criteria are open to interpretation and, as such, will be redefined by the Meloni government with a decree that will arbitrarily expand the list of 'safe' countries, with the stated aim of better protecting countries of arrival like ours.”
Germany and Spain putting up resistance
The new hard line on migration is meeting with significant resistance in Europe, notes Jornal de Notícias with relief:
“Against the backdrop of wars that are becoming more and more globalised, the flight from death, destruction and hunger is legitimate and poses major challenges for Europe. Europe must pursue a common and sensible policy, because it also needs these people. It is important to explain that not everyone is submitting to the process of legitimising the far right promoted by von der Leyen. The Spanish and German governments, for example, have spoken out for a different direction, criticising the lack of ethics and effectiveness of the Italian prime minister's plan and refusing to participate in a migration summit organised by Meloni.”
Human rights and democracy are losing
El País, by contrast, seeks a true counter-force:
“There are signs of resistance, some from the judiciary, such as the Italian court that questioned the Meloni model, just as a British court did with the Rwanda model. ... But this should not blind us to the political struggle in Europe and the West. We who stand up for human rights and democracy are losing. ... In the face of this erosion, there is no sign of a political counter-force. ... The German government is in a terminal state. ... It is questionable whether the French government will ever get off the ground. ... Italy and the Netherlands are in the hands of the far right. In Spain, the social democrats are holding out. ... They say things that put them on the right side of history, but their inner weakness detracts from their appeal.”