Bundestag election: what role do the extremists play?
The AfD, parts of which Germany's Office for the Protection of the Constitution has classified as "definitely right-wing extremist", has emerged from the German federal election as the second strongest party, having secured 20.8 percent of the vote. In the states of the former East Germany it even came first. Europe's press analyses the results and seeks reasons for the weakening of the political centre.
Humiliated and offended
Pravda seeks explanations for the success of extreme parties in states that were part of the GDR before 1990:
“The people in this part of Germany feel excluded. Their entire history, their culture, their customs and to a large extent the economy and industry in the GDR were immediately abolished, erased from history, written off as something false and misguided. But people carry their former lives in their hearts. The euphoria over gaining freedom soon subsided and life returned to normal. The sense of humiliation, insult and defiance remained among the people. And all a party has to do is to capture it politically.”
The young are disenchanted
Political scientist Linas Kojala analyses young people's voting preferences in Politika:
“More than half of the under 25-year-olds in Germany voted for the AfD or one of the two radical left-wing parties - a clear sign of the growing disenchantment with traditional political parties. There is still a chance to keep extreme parties out of government, but it's just a matter of time before this will no longer be mathematically possible. ... The new chancellor will be judged not by his words but by his deeds.”
Exclusion is the wrong approach
Erecting a firewall against a legal party is not the way to go, Lidové noviny insists:
“The AfD is by no means a party that should be applauded. But if it as dangerous as it is said to be in Germany, then it should be dissolved by a court, preferably the Federal Constitutional Court. And if not, it should be allowed to compete freely in the political race. If things continue as they are, the rift between the social and political majority in Germany could take on dangerous proportions.”
Make use of the right to vote
Poles should aim to achieve the same high voter turnout, advises journalist Aleksandra Ptak-Iglewska in Rzeczpospolita:
“After 1989 we regained democracy, but my impression is that today we defend it more through discussions on social media than by participating in elections. We see Germany as a richer neighbour which we suspect of having a privileged position for various reasons. But when it comes to assuming responsibility for the state of our own country, four out of ten voters in Poland still choose their couch instead of going to the polling station.”
A small grand coalition
The path to a grand coalition between the CDU/CSU and SPD is clear, comments Club Z:
“The good thing about this is that both parties want a two-party coalition, so it can be formed quickly. It will be able to make decisions more swiftly and won't have to make as many compromises. The traffic light coalition failed precisely because of its inertia. The bad news is that the grand coalition will actually be a small one - both the CDU and the SPD have achieved historically poor results and will need the support of the other parties in the Bundestag [because of the two-thirds majority requirement] if, for example, they want to amend the Basic Law, reform the debt brake or pass emergency budgets.”
AfD waiting in the wings
The big task for the Christian Democrats and Social Democrats will be to rediscover the art of compromise, says Respekt:
“Because if they don't, and the next cabinet squabbles as fiercely and openly as the last one, voters' disgust with the entire political elite will increase. And with it the prospects of a party that is bitterly opposed to the entire system: the AfD, which doubled its share of the vote, making it the big winner of the election. ... So far nobody wants to govern with the AfD because of its extreme positions. But if a functioning coalition fails to emerge from the negotiations, this far-right, pro-Russian party could easily take first place in 2029.”
The miraculous rebirth of the Left Party
Sme is struck by the surprisingly good performance of the Left Party:
“The Left was able to mobilise. The social media appearances of the party's charismatic leaders Heidi Reichinnek and Ines Schwerdtner in which they criticised the CDU for voting with extremists contributed to this. And they set clear priorities: the fight against social inequality, taxing the rich, lowering rents and subsidising public transport. The party's strategy was particularly successful with young voters: in the 18-24 years bracket the Left Party came first with 25 percent, outperforming their biggest opponent the AfD by four percentage points.”
Trust in the system at stake
Friedrich Merz will also have the task of defending liberal democracy over the next four years, writes Der Spiegel:
“If he fails, that will probably be it. Then the AfD will become even stronger in the next election, perhaps even the strongest party. Chancellor Merz's task will be to restore trust in the political centre and, even more importantly, in the system itself, and in the superiority of liberal democracy over authoritarian approaches. Since reunification no chancellor has faced a greater task.”