EU Commission: how good is the new lineup?

The EU Commission head has increased her power, notes Público:

“Von der Leyen wanted to tighten her control over the Commission she presides, and this had already characterised her first term of office. She was already 'the Queen of Europe', now she wants to be the 'Empress'. ... The way she has organised the Commission allows her to leave some key functions in the hands of commissioners whom she trusts, some of whom are entering their second term, such as the Latvian Valdis Dombrovskis (economy) or the Slovak Maroš Šefčovič (trade). ... Due to the overlapping of responsibilities, with the vice presidents being responsible for large areas of policy whose concrete implementation, however, lies in other hands, von der Leyen has the last word.”

Commenting on web portal Skai, economist Nikitas Simos reminds readers that the powers of the EU Commission are not comparable to those of a government at the national level:

“Ursula von der Leyen wants the Commission to be operational by 1 November, ahead of the US elections, but there is a risk that this could be delayed by at least a month. It is important to emphasise, however, that although the Commission has extensive powers, these do not affect the legislative or executive powers of the European Parliament or the European Council, where the various political power balances play out.”

NV believes that the new EU Commission will remain constructive in its attitude towards Ukraine:

“Firstly, Ursula von der Leyen considers the support of Ukraine and our country's successes in the defence against Russian aggression as well as on its path towards EU accession as a deeply personal political task and a key part of her own political and historical legacy. ... Secondly, we expect all candidates to be thoroughly examined at the hearings in the European Parliament with regard to their stance on Ukraine. Thirdly, the candidates for the key posts that are important for Ukraine in terms of political and security support have been selected from those countries that are traditionally allied with Ukraine.”

Pro-Kremlin newspaper Izvestia sees an emphatically anti-Russian stance among those in charge of EU foreign and security policy:

“The emerging 'power politics bloc' has been given to representatives of the countries that are most hostile towards Russia: a Lithuanian became commissioner for defence and the vice-president for tech sovereignty, security and democracy is a representative of Finland. The post of EU high representative for foreign affairs went to the public's favourite Kaja Kallas - the former prime minister of Estonia who failed in the race for the post of Nato secretary general. All the candidates have a a very consistent anti-Russian stance. No doubt they will proudly defend this stance on every available platform.”

France is losing out due to a lack of trust, Le Point notes:

“A few months ago, Emmanuel Macron apparently considered having Mario Draghi at the head of the European Commission, which would have been great news. ... But he had to abandon the idea. If France had inspired more trust and respect among its neighbours, especially Germany, the balance of power could have been different. In the end, Ursula von der Leyen stepped in again – and with enough self-confidence to snub the French commissioner. Emmanuel Macron then appointed his outgoing, rather self-effacing foreign minister, Stéphane Séjourné, to this important post. ... That's what you call scaling back your ambitions.”

France's nomination of Stéphane Séjourné after the withdrawal of Thierry Breton is not the only sign of growing resistance to the Commission president, Večer observes:

“The main message here is that France's gesture - along with those of other countries which, apart from Bulgaria, all ignored Ursula's desire for them to nominate male and female candidates - shows that her position is weakening. Yes, Ursula will be president of the European Commission for another term, but she will be less powerful than she was in her first term. There are several countries that are unwilling and unable to adapt to her way of governing. This is bad news for her and for the interests of European capital.”

Club Z comments on the structure of the new EU Commission:

“Germany retains the presidency with von der Leyen. The three most important of the six executive vice-presidents come from the other three most developed member states. ... The South gets more influence in economic affairs. Alongside Spain [competition policy] and Italy [cohesion policy], Portugal's Maria Luís Albuquerque has been entrusted with the financial services portfolio. ... Two of the top posts in the new Commission have gone to the Baltic states, as a gesture to the whole of Eastern Europe. ... Kaja Kallas from Estonia will be the high representative for foreign affairs and the Lithuanian Andrius Kubilius takes over the new defence portfolio.”

Duma fears there will be overlaps in responsibilities in the new EU Commission:

“There will be an executive vice-president for a clean, fair and competitive transition (Spain), but also a commissioner for climate and clean growth (Netherlands) and a commissioner for environment and a competitive circular economy (Sweden). At the same time, there will be an executive vice-president for prosperity and industrial strategy (France), but also a commissioner for economy and productivity (Latvia), not to mention the commissioners for finance and budget. With so many people responsible for the EU economy, we can only hope that the saying 'too many cooks spoil the broth' doesn't prove to be true.”

As a future Executive Vice-President, French Foreign Minister Stéphane Séjourné faces a major challenge, Le Monde writes:

“Well-versed in the workings of the European machine but new to the economic and industrial spheres, Séjourné will have to prove himself in the face of experienced commissioners such as Valdis Dombrovskis and Maroš Šefčovič, and negotiate with Spanish Vice-President Teresa Ribera, a political heavyweight in charge of the ecological transition and known for her opposition to nuclear power. ... He will also have to shed his image as Macron's mouthpiece. It's a risky undertaking.”

The appointment of Danish Social Democrat Dan Jørgensen as energy commissioner is good news for European environmental policy, Politiken comments:

“With his background as climate and development minister, internationally recognised climate negotiator and member of the European Parliament, Jørgensen is ideally suited to the job. With this appointment, Ursula von der Leyen has shown that when she repeatedly praises Denmark as a green pioneer, particularly in the field of wind energy, she is not just paying lip service. ... She also shows that she has faith in Jørgensen's ability to tackle one of the most divisive and controversial energy policy issues in Europe - nuclear power.”

El País sees two reasons for celebration:

“Teresa Ribera will be a sort of super commissioner with significant influence on European industrial policy. She will apply the antitrust rules and oversee state aid and mergers. This is a key position and will make Spain one of the EU's main partners. ... In her new term in office, von der Leyen has announced that she is reserving the right to change the structure of the Commission. And she has appointed 40 percent women to the top of the commissions. Although this falls short of the strict parity she had hoped for, she has nevertheless almost doubled the pitiful 22 percent that would have resulted from the governments' proposals.”

Helsingin Sanomat is full of praise:

“When the new commission takes office at the end of the year, war will probably still be raging in Ukraine. Relations between the US and Europe could be thrown into turmoil in the wake of November's presidential elections. Security, health, the economy, technology and military power will be even more intertwined. The challenges are formidable, but von der Leyen has very skilfully packaged the commissioners' tasks. Almost every country can boast about the clout of its portfolio.”

The biggest winner here is Italy's Prime Minister, says the Stuttgarter Zeitung:

“The post-fascist has managed to place one of her loyal followers, Raffaele Fitto, in one of the most influential posts in the Commission. He will become vice-president and commissioner for cohesion and reforms. This means he will be responsible for the European Social Fund and a fund for regional development, among other things. Meloni is over the moon about this decision, as it secures her additional power and influence in Brussels. However with this appointment, Ursula von der Leyen has lodged a political time bomb in her own Commission. Many members of the European Parliament are quite rightly appalled and have announced their opposition to the far-right Italian.”

The fact that Michael McRath is to become justice commissioner shows how little influence Ireland wields in Brussels, writes The Irish Times:

“Forget the soothing diplomatic tones from Dublin – justice is a portfolio nobody wanted. Justice means guaranteed (and often personalised) conflict with states such as Hungary and Slovakia. ... The reality is that in a decade Ireland has gone from holding agriculture and rural development (a third of the EU budget), to trade (the crown jewel of the EU's competencies) via financial services (stripped of the important bits) to the thankless task of policing wannabe European dictators under a 'democracy shield'.”

Czech Minister for Industry Jozef Síkela was tipped to become Commissioner for Trade or Energy, but he's now been given the International Partnerships portfolio. Reflex notes with disappointment:

“What a let-down. ... We've once again lost the battle for a truly strong economic portfolio. This has been going on for 20 years, ever since we joined the EU. Yet both the government and Síkela are touting the allocated portfolio as a success because it means that a Czech politician will have many officials under him and manage a large budget. But this is not a victory. Once again it has been made clear that our influence within the EU is limited.”

Večer is delighted that after all the back-and-forth over the appointment of its candidate, Slovenia is to take on the task of EU expansion:

“If Marta Kos passes the hearing, she will not only head the portfolio for EU enlargement to the Western Balkans, but also that for the other eastern neighbours, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Her portfolio will also be responsible for the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine, which involves a lot of money. This is indeed a victory for Slovenia. Just think: even if Marta Kos fails the parliamentary committee hearing, the portfolio will still be available to Slovenia.”