Opponents of the Kremlin march in Berlin
Several thousand opponents of Putin demonstrated in Berlin on Sunday, following the call of Yulia Navalnaya, the widow of Alexei Navalny, and Kremlin critics Ilya Yashin and Vladimir Kara-Murza, who were released from Russian custody at the beginning of August. However, exiled Russians and opposition members are at odds over whether such actions make sense.
The Russians won't stop Putin
Berlin-based sociologist Igor Eidman explains on Facebook why the demonstration was counterproductive – even though according to a report by Der Spiegel he took part in it himself:
“Walking around Berlin shouting 'Russia without Putin!' like children is pretty pointless. However, it's not entirely harmless. The illusion of an anti-war Russia hinders rather than helps the fight against the real military Russia. It raises false hopes that the Russians themselves will stop Putin and then the war will end and the global threat will disappear. The West should not waste its efforts by supporting a mythical anti-war Russia.”
Shutting up not an option
On his Facebook page, civil rights activist Alexander Podrabinek takes aim at the criticism of the march, some of which he says is simply malicious:
“I can understand those Ukrainians who boorishly want to paint all Russians as devils from hell, but the demonstration in Berlin puts paid to this idea: No, as it turns out, not all Russians support Putin. The stereotypes have been shattered! But why do our compatriots take so much pleasure in mocking the demonstrators? ... Even if the demonstration is useless and won't do any good, it won't do any harm either, right? What could really achieve anything now, apart from ATACMS missiles? But does that mean that everyone should shut up and remain silent?”
An expression of opposition nostalgia
Political scientist Sergei Medvedev says on Facebook that it is a mistake to think in conventional categories of political competition when it comes to Russia:
“All the misunderstandings surrounding the Berlin march stem from the fact that it was built around two simulacra: 'Russian politics' and 'Russian opposition'. In reality, neither exists, they got left behind somewhere around 2011/2012. Since then they have been thoroughly swept away and destroyed by the Kremlin, including with the murders of two key politicians, Nemtsov and Navalny. ... It was good that this action took place - it had a clear therapeutic, nostalgic and symbolic effect. ... But the action was orientated towards the past, not the present and not the future.”
A counterweight to Kremlin propaganda
In a Facebook post, political scientist Abbas Gallyamov stresses the importance of adopting a clear stance at least outside Russia:
“After the Russian authorities destroyed all mechanisms [for freedom of expression], it became possible for them to impose on society the belief that everyone loves Putin and approves of the war. ... The opposition has to constantly demonstrate to every Russian citizen willing to protest that he or she is not alone, that there are many people who think this way. Of course it would be better to show this through protests in Russia, but since this is not possible it must be done in those places where it is possible. ... That is certainly better than doing nothing and leaving the field of public opinion to the regime without putting up a fight.”
Symbolic solidarity with Putin's victims
In a Facebook post picked up by Echo, film critic Anton Dolin stresses the value of symbolic gestures:
“Ilya Yashin, as well as Vladimir Kara-Murza and Yulia Navalnaya, have been through what many of us (thank God) could not even imagine in our worst nightmares, but they have kept their minds and their reputations pure. ... I know that a march through Berlin won't end the war, topple Putin or appeal to his conscience. ... Symbolic gestures don't change history, but they become important pages in it. And in the long run, with due persistence and consistency, they have a cumulative effect.”